Machiavelli Prize 2023 Awarded to Mayor Jaap Velema of Ter Apel

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The Dutch Machiavelli Prize 2023 has been awarded to Mayor Jaap Velema of Ter Apel. This announcement was made today by the board of the Machiavelli Foundation. The prize is awarded annually for a remarkable achievement in the field of public communication in the Netherlands. The award also recognizes the entire community in Ter Apel.

“Mayor Velema communicates clearly and sharply, yet not polarizing despite the highly sensitive subject. He employs various communication tools to bring the story of his municipality and the interests of its residents to the agenda. At the same time, he manages to draw attention to the problems in the asylum shelter,” according to the jury report.

“Velema continues to tirelessly advocate for the interests of everyone in his municipality, including those who had to literally sleep outside due to the gridlocked policy in The Hague. He is entangled with a problem from his position of responsibility, one that he cannot solve on his own. Nevertheless, Velema manages to keep the spirits in his community reasonably under control.”

“Despite sometimes escalating tensions, Ter Apel has been living with the registration center in the municipality for years. The way the community in Ter Apel has been carrying this for years is exemplary for many other, much larger municipalities,” the jury report continues.

The prize will be presented on Wednesday, February 14th at 17:00 CET by Marja Wagenaar, chair of the Machiavelli Foundation, at Perscentrum Nieuwspoort. This marks the 35th time the prize has been awarded. Femke Halsema, Mayor of Amsterdam, will deliver the annual Machiavelli Lecture prior to the award ceremony. The ceremony this year is open to everyone who registers via this link and can also be followed live via NPO Politiek and the Youtube channel of Nieuwspoort.

Previous winners include Johan Remkes, Gerrit Hiemstra, Marion Koopmans, Diederik Gommers, journalistic collective Bellingcat, She Decides, Mayor Eberhard van der Laan, H.R.H. Princess Máxima, and national coach Bert van Marwijk.

The Machiavelli Foundation is dedicated to public communication. Public Matters has been the main sponsor of the Machiavelli Foundation since 2010.

Getting Started with Corporate Social Responsibility: Proactive Stakeholder Communication is Key

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In an era where sustainability and social responsibility are increasingly scrutinized by both public opinion and legal frameworks, effective communication about Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is becoming more important. This is underscored by recent policy developments in The Hague and Brussels.

A notable example is the European political agreement reached last December on the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD). This directive, once implemented, will impose obligations on large companies to limit and counteract negative impacts on human rights and the environment – read more about the background of this regulation in this blog. Additionally, the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD) will require big companies to report annually on their sustainability efforts, following its implementation on January 1, 2024. These developments highlight the increasing relevance of this topic and the necessity for clear communication, which is further discussed in this blog.

Clear and proactive stakeholder communication about CSR efforts is a requirement

For some companies and organizations, commitment to CSR may already be essential and taken for granted, but for societal stakeholders, understanding of this commitment is less obvious. Perceptions are largely defined by prejudices or assumptions, and the reality in CSR is often too complex to be explained in soundbites. It involves how companies address challenges in areas like climate change, human rights violations, social inequality, and new technologies.

How companies tackle these challenges is increasingly critically monitored by NGOs, investors, consumers, regulators, and legislators, and is often part of the annual report for many companies. The aforementioned European CSRD and CSDDD set the standard for sustainability policy. However, research by the Financieele Dagblad indicates that many Dutch companies are not yet prepared for the required reporting. A study by ABN AMRO reveals that two-thirds of Dutch companies have never heard of this regulation and more than half mistakenly think that this new directive will not affect them. Moreover, although these rules are primarily aimed at large companies, smaller businesses as part of the supply chains of multinationals cannot afford to be complacent and not actively involved in these developments.

Beyond all the regulatory reporting obligations, there is one crucial group that is probably insufficiently informed about companies’ CSR policies: politicians, policymakers in governments, and societal partners like trade associations. They often act on incidents and are then largely driven by media portrayals and are important opinion formers in the societal debate. It is mistakenly assumed that these opinion formers are well informed, while they may not always have enough time to delve into companies’ sustainability policies.

Our expertise

Public Matters specializes in interest representation and focuses specifically on these stakeholders. We help companies to better reach and inform this group. This requires a specific approach and communication strategy that resonates with the worldviews of politicians, senior officials, and societal organizations.

  • Knowledge of legislation and regulation: Public Matters supports clients through an integrated approach. We provide insights and advice on the developments, interpretation, and implementation of complex existing and emerging legislation and regulation. This includes, for example, the implementation of the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD) and other relevant CSR regulations such as Extended Producer Responsibilities (UPV), gender quotas, the legal integration of the Dutch Corporate Governance Code, the Dutch Tax Governance Code initiative, and more. For illustration, see the image below with some examples.
  • Insight into and connection with stakeholders: Public Matters knows the stakeholder field, ranging from politicians and financial institutions to NGOs. This enables us to connect organizations with relevant parties, facilitate valuable dialogues, and establish partnerships that are crucial for achieving sustainable goals and strengthening societal engagement.
  • Developing and conveying effective CSR communication strategies: our expertise in strategic communication enables us to support companies and organizations in clearly and convincingly communicating their CSR policies, targeting politicians, media, and societal stakeholders. We do this by creating customized messages that not only align with the actions and values of the organization but also with current societal and political expectations. Our approach contributes to authenticity in communication and avoiding the perception of superficial or insincere efforts, often referred to as ‘greenwashing’ or ‘purpose washing’.

Examples of (emerging) legislation and regulation in the field of CSR for illustration

Our services

  • Developing and implementing CSR communication strategies and campaigns: Public Matters assists organizations in developing, testing, and rolling out CSR communication strategies, closely linked to specific needs and objectives. This includes both internal awareness campaigns for employees and external campaigns targeting politics, media, and society. In this role, we act as a critical and honest sparring partner.
  • Conducting stakeholder analyses and engagement: we provide support in identifying and analyzing key stakeholders. We also develop plans to actively involve these stakeholders and build a sustainable relationship with them.
  • Supporting the publication and communication of annual sustainability reports: Public Matters ensures that the reports align with societal and political trends and reach the right stakeholders in the right form, such as Members of Parliament, officials, and other organizations in the chain.
  • Training: Public Matters offers a range of trainings that contribute to a better understanding within the organization of the expectations of politics and society. This includes workshops on “Political Awareness,” which provide internal stakeholders with insights into the functioning of the Dutch government, political developments, and decision-making processes, and how the organization fits within these. Such trainings also focus on improving reporting and communication about CSR, as well as good internal coordination.
  • Baseline measurement among (political) stakeholders: Public Matters conducts analyses to map the position of organizations within the political and societal landscape. We do this, for example, through interviews with relevant stakeholders, to gain insight into how an organization is perceived and what the expectations are. This information is essential to understand how the organization is perceived and how to respond to this.
  • Ad hoc advice and crisis communication: we offer flexible support in CSR communication depending on needs, including crisis communication at times when every second counts and every decision has a significant impact on your organization’s reputation.

Looking ahead to the European Parliament elections: a new direction for the EU?

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Next year, from June 6 to 9, 2024, EU citizens will cast their votes in the European elections. Voters determine the new distribution of seats (and power) in the European Parliament, thereby indirectly influencing the EU’s priorities until 2029. The political landscape in member states is constantly shifting, making the outcome of next year’s elections uncertain. In a blog series on the European elections, colleagues Sterre Schrijver and Danaï Kostoulas analyze recent developments in EU member states and talk about their possible influence on the upcoming European elections, the distribution of the 720 seats in the Parliament and ultimately on the formation of a new College of Commissioners.

Political landscape at the national level

1) Poland elections: return of pro-European Donald Tusk

Today’s European political landscape is marked by the increasing popularity of conservative, right-wing parties. This trend is expected to be reflected in the European Parliament after the June 2024 elections. In this regard, it is notable that Polish voters have taken a different course.

Poland, where the PiS (Law and Justice) has been in power since 2015, was long seen as a major player in conservative and Euroskeptic politics. Despite coming out of the ballot box as the most popular party, PiS failed to find enough support to form a new government. As a result, liberal, pro-European Donald Tusk – former president of the European Council (2014-2019) – was elected as Poland’s new prime minister.

Tusk’s upcoming premiership will have major consequences not only nationally, but also for European politics. As one of the largest member states, Poland offers a counterweight to the French-German power bloc that emerged after the exit of the United Kingdom, possibly resulting in a power shift from Western to Central Europe. In addition, a pro-European Poland would mean a strengthening of intra-European cooperation, with more unified voices in areas such as (military) support to Ukraine and the (international) propagation of so-called “European values. In doing so, Tusk’s appointment could lead to more Polish votes for the European People’s Party (EPP) (center-right), as opposed to PiS’ European Conservatives and Reformists (ECH) (conservative right).

At the same time, Tusk’s leadership could mean bad news for the alliance between Poland and Viktor Orbán’s Hungary. Poland and Hungary have in recent years regularly protected each other from the EU’s normative course. So the new upcoming Polish government will have the potential to shake up the existing European power relationship considerably.

 

2) Slovakia elections: return Euroskeptic Robert Fico

Where Orbán may be losing an ally to Poland, it seems to have gained one in neighboring Slovakia. Indeed, after the Sept. 30 parliamentary elections, former Prime Minister Robert Fico’s social-conservative, populist SMER party emerged as the largest. Fico’s views on military aid to Ukraine and Russian sanctions, in particular, are diametrically opposed to those of most other European member states.

The consequences for European politics following the result were soon apparent. For example, SMER was expelled from the European Social Democracy Group (S&D) for entering into a coalition with, among others, a far-right party. In the process, Fico’s positions on support for Ukraine, the LGBTQ+ community, migration, the rule of law and his pro-Russian stance were widely criticized from within the group.

3) Political developments in Spain and Portugal

On the Iberian peninsula, socialist parties appear to be under pressure. In June, at the beginning of their EU presidency, Spain held elections following a defeat of ruling parties in regional elections. The right-wing flanks then became the largest; this was repeated in the last national elections. Alberto Núñez Feijóo’s center-right party Partido Popular emerged the largest at the ballot box, but failed to form a coalition. Then on Nov. 17, after four months of coalition negotiations, socialist Pedro Sanchez was sworn in again as prime minister. Sanchez’s social democratic PSOE party will form a minority cabinet with the far-left Sumar.

Portugal is also facing early elections next March. Portuguese Prime Minister António Costa, leader of the Socialist Party (PS), resigned in early November following a corruption scandal. That while Costa, as one of Europe’s longest-serving prime ministers, was a favorite candidate to succeed Charles Michel as president of the European Council in 2024. The elections in and spring immediately set the stage for the European elections three months after.

Polls

According to the latest POLITICO polls of Dec. 18, the European People’s Party (EPP) is expected to lose about 20 seats. Nevertheless, the line of expectation is that the EPP will still be the largest party after June 9. Compared to the June polls, the S&D (social democrats) has had to lose a little, due to the cessation of the Slovak SMER’s participation (see “Slovak elections”). Furthermore, a substantial increase in seats is still expected for the ECH (European Conservatives and Reformists), mainly at the expense of The Greens and thus the EPP.

 

As the 2024 European Parliament elections approach, it is becoming increasingly clear how the political landscape within the European Union will shift, including with an eye toward an increasing movement to the right. The recent victory of the PVV (Freedom Party) in the Netherlands fits well into this development. Here it will be particularly interesting how a new potentially right-wing and less pro-European coalition will affect relations within the EU and the Dutch view of the EU.

Elections also provide opportunities to put new issues on legislators’ agendas. Leading up to the election, Public Matters will highlight several election-related topics.

Navigating Geert Wilders’ quest for Power in the Netherlands

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The outcome of the recent Dutch election on November 22nd was nothing short of surprising, as it catapulted the right-wing populist PVV (Party for Freedom), led by Geert Wilders, to the forefront of the political spectrum. While the prospect of forming a government with the PVV and three other, less extreme parties might seem straightforward, the reality is far more intricate. Ronald Plasterk, a former Labour minister who has undergone a political shift towards the right, was appointed as the “verkenner” by the PVV after their initial candidate withdrew due to a corruption scandal. What initially seemed like a simple task has turned into a complex puzzle.

Geert Wilders’ ideal coalition partner is the VVD (Liberal Conservartives), despite his extensive criticism of them during their 13-year rule. Dilan Yesilgoz, the new leader of the VVD, has made it clear that her party won’t partake in the cabinet; they intend to take a step back, especially after losing ten seats. Nonetheless, Yesilgoz remains open to the idea of supporting a right-wing government through a confidence-and-supply agreement. Meanwhile, the BBB (populist Farmer–Citizen Movement) shows more enthusiasm for a potential collaboration.

Yet, a significant roadblock looms. The NSC (New Social Contract), a recently established political entity led by Pieter Omtzigt, a former Christian Democrat known for his unwavering commitment to the rule of law, has categorically ruled out forming a coalition with the PVV. Omtzigt argues that the PVV’s proposals, including the banning of mosques, infringe upon the constitution. While Wilders has promised to set aside these proposals, Omtzigt demands nothing short of their complete removal from the PVV’s agenda, along with firm commitments to EU membership, treaty adherence, support for Ukraine, and concrete actions on climate change.

Even if Wilders manages to meet Omtzigt’s stringent criteria, the challenge of forming a minority government without the VVD remains. Such a government would require ministers from the relatively untested PVV, NSC, and BBB, which might struggle to identify qualified candidates, as underscored by a recent corruption scandal. In the Netherlands, parliamentarians must relinquish their parliamentary roles to assume ministerial positions, a hurdle the PVV can ill afford, given its limited pool of experienced prospects. Additionally, a government without the VVD would lack a majority in the Senate, opening the door for potential legislative hurdles.

Despite Geert Wilders and the PVV’s electoral victory, leftist protests have been relatively subdued, primarily due to the uncertainty surrounding coalition negotiations. Some on the left find merit in the PVV’s economic agenda, which vaguely promises increased housing and more affordable healthcare. Nevertheless, some believe it’s crucial not to underestimate the potential risks posed by populists who challenge the rule of law, as exemplified in countries like Hungary and Poland.

Dilan Yesilgoz’s firm stance on refraining from government participation could also be a maneuver during negotiations. She may be hoping that Wilders will fervently seek her party’s involvement. Another plausible scenario could see another party nominating the prime minister while all four coalition partners pursue a more robust stance on immigration. Geert Wilders’ aspiration to lead the Netherlands towards its most right-wing government ever remains a possibility but is definitely not a done deal, given the significant adjustments required to his party’s agenda.

UPDATE DUTCH POLITICS – Far-right leader Geert Wilders shock winner general election

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Highlights

With 98% of votes counted far-right leader Geert Wilders is expected to be the big winner of yesterday’s general election – winning 37 seats (of 150 seats in total).

Frans Timmermans’ Labour-Green alliance (GroenLinks-PvdA) is likely to take second place (25 seats) and the VVD (Liberal Conservatives, the party of current PM Mark Rutte – now led by Dilan Yeşilgöz), which was leading the polls for quite a while, is in third place (24 seats). A new political party set up by former Christian Democrat Pieter Omtzigt – Social Conservatives (NSC) – was the other big winner – with 20 seats.

This election was characterized by intense competition between the biggest 4 parties and a large number of swing voters, making it one of the most unpredictable in recent history.

Forming a new coalition government will be challenging: at least 3 or 4 parties will be needed for a majority in the House of Representatives, the relations between muliple party leaders aren’t very good and some parties have indicated they will never enter a coalition with the PVV of Geert Wilders (including GroenLinks-PvdA and NSC) .

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Election results

The “day after” election day (November 22, 2023) it’s safe to expect that far-right leader Geert Wilders will win the general election. His party (PVV – Party for Freedom) won by a landslide (37 seats).

GroenLinks-PvdA, combining the Greens and Labor, emerges as the second-largest party (25 seats, and the previously dominant VVD (Liberal Conservatives) experiences a significant drop (24 seats), now ranking as the third party. Pieter Omtzigt’s new party, NSC (Social Conservatives), makes a notable entrance as the largest of the new parties (20 seats).

This election was characterized by intense competition between the biggest 4 parties and a large number of swing voters, making it one of the most unpredictable in recent history.

The voter turnout so far is 79,3% – which is a bit more than the turnout of the general elections in 2021 (78,7%) and the final result is expected on 1 December.

Forming a new coalition government will be challenging

Forming a new coalition government will be a challenging: at least 3 or 4 parties will be needed for a majority in the House of Representatives, the relations between muliple party leaders aren’t very good and some parties have indicated they will never enter a coalition with the PVV of Geert Wilders (including GroenLinks-PvdA and NSC) .

Geert Wilders has been calling on other parties to seek common ground to cooperate – to prevent Frans Timmermans from coming to power. He prefers a center-right cabinet and sees potential for cooperation with VVD and NSC, which would create a workable majority of 81 seats. Other parties, such as NSC (Pieter Omtzigt) and VVD (Dilan Yesilgöz) might be willing to “jump over their shadows” to form such a cabinet. However, this remains to be seen.

A progressive coalition, preferred by GroenLinks-PvdA, seems unlikely due to the limited size of logical allies such as D66 (Liberal Democrats) and of course the big win by the PVV. In addition, forming such a coalition would require at least 4 parties, and would be difficult as many voters of the VVD and GroenLinks-PvdA seem negative about such a coalition.

Surveys show that more than a third of the voters would like to see the PVV in a new cabinet, followed by VVD and NSC.

Key issues in the formation discussions will include asylum and migration, the housing market, poverty and income inequality, healthcare, climate change and a ‘new governance culture’.

Next steps (indicative)

Following the chaotic 2021 cabinet formation, which lasted 299 days, the House of Representatives adopted several reforms for a smoother and more transparent formation process. These reforms include the intended appointment of a single “explorer” by the largest party, stricter deadlines for the “informateur” to accelerate the process, and the introduction of possible hearings to assess the qualifications of cabinet candidates.

Party leaders will meet coming Friday (24 November) to discuss the initial steps of the cabinet formation process. The largest party (PVV) is expected to appoint an “explorer” to evaluate potential coalition options. A report by this explorer is expected by 5 December.

The newly elected Members of Parliament will be officially installed on 6 December, and they will choose their new Chair on 13 December.

On 7 December there will be a debate in the House of Representatives focused on the election outcomes and the cabinet formation process, following the explorer’s report. This will lead to the appointment of an “informateur”, whose role is pivotal in exploring coalition possibilities.

An important task of the informateur is to lead the negotiatons of a coalition agreement, which could take at least 4-6 months or longer.

Following the informateur’s report, a “formateur” will be appointed, often the future prime minister, to assemble the new cabinet. When the new ministerial team is complete, the new cabinet meets for a consultation (the ‘constituent consultation’), after which the cabinet is sworn in before the King.

Elections or not: The Netherlands faces a tough digitalization challenge

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In the coming years, establishing effective digital policies will become essential if society is to respond adequately to the increasing impact of various technologies. The minister responsible for digital affairs, State Secretary Alexandra van Huffelen (D66, Democrats), has been working hard on this over the past two years. For example, the interdepartmental Working Agenda on Value-Driven Digitalization, published late last year, forms the basis for how the Netherlands deals with this digitalization battle. Next week we can cast our votes, a decisive moment that is followed by the formation period where important decisions will also be made about digitalization. What is the approach of the various political parties to digitalization?

With every possible coalition still ahead, Valérie Mendes de León and Mike de Wit put the visions and plans from the election programs side by side and highlight the most striking points in this blog.

 

The Netherlands faces a major digital challenge

Elections or no elections: The Netherlands faces a tough digitalization challenge. In recent years, the European Union has adopted a hefty package of legislation to better regulate the digital world. Such as the development of legislation to tackle the market power of “Big Tech” (DMA, DSA), to ensure secure handling of data at government level (Data Act, DGA), to strengthen cyber security (NIS2, CER) and to guarantee citizens’ rights (AI Act, AVG). But there is even more ambitious legislation in the European pipeline, such as the Cyber Resilience Act (a proposal on cybersecurity requirements for products with digital elements) and the Cyber Solidarity Act (to improve readiness, detection, and addressing of cybersecurity incidents throughout the EU).

It is up to European member states, including the Netherlands, to transpose these laws into national legislation in the coming years. At the same time, in Brussels and in the Parliament they are already struggling with rapidly increasing developments such as artificial intelligence (AI) and disinformation (European AI Act), but also how everyone can keep up in the digital transition.

 

Key EU legislative initiatives regarding digitalization

Initiative Objective Applies in NL from
Digital Markets Act (DMA)  Promoting fair competition and transparency, aimed at regulating the market power of Big Tech. May 2023 
Data Governance Act (DGA)  Facilitating to improve data availability in the EU by increasing trust in data intermediaries and strengthening data sharing mechanisms in the EU. September 2023 
Digital Services Act (DSA)  Regulating digital services on online platforms aimed at combating illegal content, disinformation and protecting user rights. February 2024 
Network and Information System Directive (NIS2)  Providing a standard level of network and information system security in the EU’s critical infrastructure. This includes tightening mandated security requirements, addressing supply chain security, streamlining reporting requirements, strengthening oversight measures and introducing enforcement requirements with harmonized sanctions across member states for more sectors. October 2024 
Critical Entities Resilience Directive (CER)  Improving the protection of public and private organizations from physical risks, such as the consequences of (terrorist) crimes, sabotage and natural disasters. End of 2024 
Data Act  Establishing a harmonized framework for data sharing, regulation of data access, interoperability and conditions for access by government agencies. Early 2025 
AI Act  Regulating safe, transparent, traceable, non-discriminatory and environmentally friendly AI systems that are supervised by humans and responsive to future developments. End of 2025  (when agreed)

In addition to developments at the EU level, Dutch political parties also have their own ideas and approaches when it comes to digitalization. Broadly speaking, four main themes emerge in the election programs of when it comes to digitalization. These include strengthening digital cooperation, increasing investment in cyber security and resilience, boosting innovation to ensure the Netherlands’ digital lead, and more effective regulation of “Big Tech.” These themes form the core of the following sections, in which we elaborate on the specific approaches and proposals of the different political parties.

 

Modern technologies: a double-edged sword of opportunities and risks

Not unexpectedly, opinions differ on how to deal with new technologies. Quite a few parties recognize opportunities for business to innovate in and with new technologies and want to encourage this. CDA (Christen Democrats), D66 (Liberal Democrats), VVD (Liberal Conservatives), Volt (Pan-European Democrats) and ChristenUnie (Christian Union), for example, recognize the importance of investing in innovation and automation to prepare the Netherlands and Europe for the economy of the future. Among other things, they talk about promoting quantum technology, photonics and AI to retain, develop and attract top sectors. Quantum is a notable hot topic, with VVD calling for a national quantum action plan and D66 wanting to work on a quantum-proof standard in Europe to regulate the development of quantum technology on a European level as well.

At the same time, parties such as NSC (Centrist Conservatives), PvdD (Animal Party) and SGP (Christian Conservatives) are also looking at the dangers of new technologies. NSC actively calls for more attention to cyber resilience and better security of government data. Too rapid development of new technology can cause the government to be insufficiently prepared, poses PvdD.

 

Artificial Intelligence

With the advent of generative AI last year, a form of AI that allows someone to automatically generate texts, images, audio and other content with ChatGPT, for example, AI is a prominent topic in many election topics. The lack of national legislation on this will soon be filled once the European AI Act comes into effect, but Dutch parties are preparing for national regulation. In particular, the programs address the opportunities and risks of AI. Concrete suggestions include a watermark for AI-generated content (VVD, PvdD, NSC), control through an algorithm register (NSC, D66, GroenLinks-PvdA (Green and Labour Party Coalition), but the importance of protecting human rights is also stressed (GroenLinks-PvdA, D66, NSC).

At the same time, parties such as VVD and D66 again also see the opportunities of technologies such as AI: VVD is betting on room for experimentation to broaden knowledge and D66 wants to put sustainable and equitable AI at the center of a national AI strategy.

 

Consensus on importance of cybersecurity and digital resilience

Broad consensus can be found on strengthening cyber security, interesting to read is where the different parties place the emphasis. VVD, not entirely surprisingly, talks explicitly about making entrepreneurs and the SME more resilient. Volt also mentions this but at the same time wants to strengthen knowledge institutions. BBB (Farmer-Citizen Movement) strengthens the position of the National Security Council and proposes a National Data and Technology Council to set priorities and strategy for the digital landscape. NSC proposes something similar, in the form of a central authority, which will be in charge of promoting digital resilience and merge the overlapping tasks and roles between different organizations.

Parties across the board recognize the importance of improving the digital skills of the Dutch and making them more aware of cyber threats. Volt, BBB, BIJ1 (progressive left wing party) and NSC are committed to addressing digital literacy in schools. GroenLinks-PvdA and PvdD also include extra policy on media literacy to protect people from disinformation. And to maintain employment in the Netherlands, D66 and JA21 advocate training enough young people for digital jobs.

 

Digital infrastructure and strategic autonomy

National digital sovereignty is a broad topic in election programs, in response to the political hot topic of strategic autonomy. Here the emphasis is on protecting personal data and government data. To strenghten this, CDA, NSC and VVD focus on the development of a “national cloud,” where government data is stored at its own location or at a national provider. D66 encourages the development of a European Cloud as a counterpart to U.S. Cloud companies. Moreover, D66 and GroenLinks-PvdA name the importance of a public alternative to services and platforms of large Tech companies.

This commitment to national alternatives is significant step toward strategic autonomy and independence of countries with an offensive cyber agenda. In addition to autonomy over data storage, parties such as ChristenUnie, VVD and D66 mention the importance of better protection of vital infrastructure such as water and electricity supplies, with D66 explicitly mentioning that the Netherlands must be able to operate independently especially in healthcare and education.

 

Solid commitment required from both the new cabinet and the House of Representatives committee

Despite the visible challenges, digitalization plays a secondary role in this election. After the arrival of a Standing Committee on Digital Affairs in the House of Representatives (2021) and a State Secretary for Digitalization (2022), participation in this Committee proves important for only a small number Members of Parliament. With the prospect of a separate budget for Digital Affairs in early 2024 (which is now part of the budgets of the ministries of Justice and Security, Interior and Kingdom Relations, and Economic Affairs and Climate), the Committee may get more mandate. It is also possible that the arrival of a minister of/for Digital Affairs instead of state secretary – desired by as many as 9 parties including D66, GL/PvdA, SP and ChristenUnie – will facilitate this.

The ambitious European legislative initiatives and the extensive wish list of the Dutch political parties regarding digitalization go hand in hand with the increasingly rapid and growing development of new digital technologies, which have important social consequences.

This calls for a firm commitment from both the new cabinet and parliamentary committee. Curious about future developments and what a new coalition can do in this regard? Contact us!

Extended producer responsibility (EPR) is here to stay

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Recently, State Secretary Heijnen (Environment) published a letter with ambitious research directions for improving extended producer responsibility (EPR). Reason for our colleagues Wimer Heemskerk and Machteld van Weede to take a closer look at the growing role of the EPR in the Netherlands.

EPR is increasingly being used to transform society into a more circular economy. There are EPRs for packaging, textiles, batteries and car tires, among other things. EPRs for medicine residues, shoes and diapers are in the making. The idea of the EPR is simple: producers are themselves responsible for the life cycle of their product. If any waste remains with your product after use (for example packaging or no longer usable parts of the product itself), you as a producer are responsible for its collection and processing. At least financially, and often also organizationally. For example, some EPRs also impose requirements on the share of waste that must be processed into new products – in other words: how much must be recycled.

Foundations: a new ‘layer’ between government and producers

It is of course not feasible to have each individual company collect and process its residual products itself. In most cases this is done through a collaborative organization. Sometimes, when the government believes that such cooperation is necessary, it can declare it ‘universally binding’. This means that all producers who deal with that waste product are obliged to contribute to this foundation.

These foundations that have been declared universally binding are in a unique position within civil society, because they are seen by both the business community and the government as an extension of the other party, which means they are often criticized and find it difficult to meet everyone’s expectations.

The EPR is still up in the air

This criticism of the EPR is loudly heard in the House. For example, parties on the left believe that by opting for the EPR, the minister is relinquishing control over making the Netherlands circular. They would rather see the central government take control of waste policy again. On the business side, it is felt Dutch companies are being given too big a load to carry, while they often already experience a growing administrative burden.

Others believe the EPR does not go far enough. For example, what about foreign (waste) chains? Various NGOs argue for replacing the Extended Producer Responsibility with an ‘Ultimate Producer Responsibility’, a responsibility for not only the domestic, but also the entire foreign chain. This remains beyond the horizon for now, but the first proposals to oblige companies to map their foreign waste chain and account for this are on the table in the European Parliament.

The unclear division of responsibilities also regularly causes friction: municipalities are responsible for implementing waste collection, producers must pay for it and the ministry must justify whether or not it has achieved its objectives to Europe and the House of Representatives. It was the reason for VVD MP Erik Haverkort to call during the Circular Economy Committee debate for the entire chain (including collection) to be brought under the responsibility of the producers.

Choices for the next cabinet

The recent letter to Parliament from State Secretary Heijnen outlines the wishes for the further development of the EPR. In short: introducing more financial incentives for reuse, repair and ‘waste prevention’, broadening the EPR to waste that ends up outside the ‘regular’ waste streams and more government control over the collection of waste by municipalities and the resulting working agreements between municipalities and producers. For now, it remains a matter of research directions. The positions in the House also remain abstract for now. It will be up to the next cabinet to make decisions and even then, it will take years before the EPR has reached its ‘final’ form.

We can expect more EPRs in the coming years. After all, the ambitions – both of Europe and the Netherlands – in the field of circularity are high. And the political desire to become more sustainable and less dependent on countries outside Europe will not disappear anytime soon.

Campaign now officially started – House of Representatives elections 2023 [UPDATE Oct. 27]

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Now that the first (television) debates have been held and the House of Representatives election recess has officially begun, the election campaign has “officially” started. A lot has happened in recent weeks since the last election update, and a lot more is about to happen in the coming weeks until the election. Read all about it below.

Turbulent budget decision-making

The House of Representatives decided to deal with a number of budgets before the start of the election recess, including those of Economic Affairs and Climate Change and the Interior and Kingdom Relations. One of the budgets to be dealt with was the 2024 Tax Plan Package. Despite repeated critical comments from the House in previous years, it was again a huge task this year to deal with 17 separate bills, especially with the increased time pressure due to the elections.

The upcoming elections also affected the atmosphere and opportunities during the legislative deliberations in the Finance Committee and the plenary session last week. Once again the national budget was changed for several billions, and once again this happened without a positive verdict from the cabinet, represented in by caretaker State Secretary for Finance Marnix van Rij. For example, the 30% ruling for expats was made more restrictive in phases through an amendment by Pieter Omtzigt (NSC – Social Conservatives). All this was done in a clever election frame: the proceeds went directly to “the unlucky generation’’, the students. The question remains whether the measure will generate enough money to really freeze the interest on student loans of this generation.

Now that part of the budgets and the Tax Plan have been debated and approved in amended form by the House of Representatives, stakeholders are turning their eyes to the Senate. Thus, the Senate’s consideration of the Tax Plan will begin on Nov. 7 with a technical briefing, followed by the submission of written questions on Nov. 14. Where the Senate used to be a relatively neutral, power there is also increasingly being used for political purposes. The dynamics are very different from those in the House of Representatives, which provides opportunities to re-present and explain certain concerns in a different context, especially if they are more technical or legal in nature.

Campaign has officially started

Almost all parties have now published their election programs, held election congresses and finalized their candidate lists. Especially the program of New Social Contract (NSC – Social Conservatives) led to much speculation in recent weeks, because until now actually quite little was clear about the character of Omtzigt’s newly formed party. At the presentation of the election program, it became clear that NSC focuses primarily on restoring reciprocity between government and society, and that the party takes strict positions on migration. Further focus points will undoubtedly be highlighted in the coming weeks. After all, now that all formalities have been completed, the focus of the parties and candidate MPs can be fully focused on the campaign.

On October 22, the first party leader debate on TV took place on College Tour, with Dilan Yesilgöz (VVD – Conservative Liberals), Frans Timmermans (GL/PvdA – Greens/Labour), Pieter Omtzigt (NSC – Social Conservatives) and Caroline van der Plas (BBB – Farmer Citizen Party) appearing together on a stage for the first time. Although the debate looked somewhat awkward and had difficulty finding depth, some important differences were already highlighted, such as on nuclear energy, and – after some encouragement – first hints were given about possible coalition partners after the elections. The next few weeks are campaign weeks for party leaders and spokespeople on key issues such as climate and migration. It is imperative for stakeholders to bring order out of the chaos. It is difficult to meet list leaders and MPs individually, so understanding which debates are important for which sector is important. Besides a (possible) quick chat afterwards, you’ll get more insight into similarities, differences, compromises and possible coalitions. Being on location is better than analyzing from an easy chair, after all.

Changes in formation process

The period after the elections, the so-called formation phase, will also be very interesting. The past formation periods were long and did not go smoothly. With the low point being the formation of 2021, which lasted 299 days and was characterized by chaos and unrest. Things must change, the House decided. A parliamentary advisory committee, House Chair Vera Bergkamp, the Council of State and a number of individual MPs – all came up with advice and proposals for improving the formation process. Last week the House voted on all these proposals, resulting in some major changes for the formation process. With these changes, it is hoped that future formations will be smoother, more transparent and, above all, faster.

First, from now on, only one so-called ‘scout’ (verkenner) will be appointed, by the largest party. It must be someone with ‘distance from day-to-day politics’ and his appointment must have broad support in the House. The House will also agree on clear terms for the ‘informer’ (informateur), for example six or eight weeks. After the term has expired there will be a parliamentary debate. Furthermore, it will be possible for the House to hear prospective members of cabinet. Hearings are already common practice at the European Parliament for example, such as recently with Dutch ex-minister Wopke Hoekstra before he could become Eurocommissioner. In that hearing, the House can test the “quality and integrity” of prospective members of cabinet. For stakeholders, industries and businesses, this is a moment to draw attention to what they consider important in, for example, a new climate minister or in the field of business policy. Advice from official preparatory committees or scientific institutes can in future be tested in advance with the various ministers.

Latest polls

Anticipating possible coalitions during the College Tour debate does not seem entirely unjustified given the latest polls. For several weeks now, the VVD, GL/PvdA and NSC are seen as “the big three,” as they are all virtually tied with between 25 and 30 seats. Behind them follow the PVV (Right Wing Conservatives – 19 seats) and BBB (11 seats). This is particularly striking with BBB, given that they virtually had 30 seats a few months back. The drop seems to be mainly caused by the rise of NSC. The biggest losses still seem to go to current governing parties D66 (Liberal Democrats) and CDA (Christian Democrats). D66 stands at 6 seats (a loss of 18), CDA currently stands at 4 (a loss of 11).

Still, much remains unclear heading into the upcoming elections, the playing field lies more “open than ever,” according to experts. In the final campaign weeks, therefore, there are still plenty of opportunities for all parties: some 20 percent of voters are still completely hovering, while nearly 60 percent have a preferred party but are also considering other parties. Especially for Omtzigt, this offers opportunities: of the voters who do not yet have a preference, some 40 percent are considering a vote for NSC.

Looking ahead

At the request of House Chair Vera Bergkamp, the leaders of the largest parties will report to her not the morning after the election but a day later, to allow for a little more rest. The largest party will then appoint a so-called ‘scout’ (verkenner) who will have to get to work right away, his report has to be on the House Chair’s desk on December 5 – on the same day that old MPs say goodbye. On December 6, the new MPs are sworn in; they debate the results of the election, the explorer’s report and the formation the following day.

With just under a month to go until the elections, the playing field seems completely open. In the coming weeks, the various parties and candidates will campaign and debate with each other in full force. Some highlights are a self-organized conversation between Omtzigt (NSC) and Timmermans (GL/PvdA), the RTL election debates where the largest parties from the polls are invited and the traditional NOS final debate the evening before the elections. In the coming weeks it will become clear what the parliamentary landscape will look like in the coming years.

Public Matters is closely following the elections and the formation process. Feel free to contact us if you have any questions, we are happy to help your company.

Public Matters wins FD Gazellen entrepreneur award for second year in a row

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For a second year in a row, Public Matters has been elected as a FD Gazelle! Awarded for the 20th time by the Financieel Dagblad, the FD Gazellen Awards are one of the most prestigious awards for the fastest growing companies in the Netherlands. To win this award companies must meet certain selected criteria, in recognition of their rapid, successful growth.

Public Matters’ growth is mainly due to our fantastic Team. From our offices in The Hague and Brussels, our 33 expert and results-driven colleagues work hard to make a difference for our clients, providing public affairs and strategic communications support.

Our growth is due to other factors as well. More then ever, organizations seem aware of the importance of communicating effectively with governments and other stakeholders – which became even more evident during the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition, governments often play a leading role in developments such as the eenergy transition and digitalization – making advocacy towards governments a priority for many organizations. As this requires specific expertise, Public Matters is often asked to provide support.

‘This is of course a fantastic token of appreciation. It’s our ambition to continue our growth by raising the bar even higher. The further development of our Team and our international focus play a key role in this,’ says Bas Batelaan (Managing Partner).

Public Matters welcomes new colleagues

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Good news! Recently three new colleagues joined our team.

Starting Oktober 1st, we have welcomed Sterre Schrijver as Account Executive. In addition, in September three new trainees joined our ranks: Niels Stockmann, Sara Marijnnissen andJelmer Peetoom.

We are very excited that these colleagues are joining our Team and wish them the best of luck!

About Sterre

During and after her studies in European Studies and International Relations, Sterre moved from Amsterdam to Brussels to delve deeper into the exciting world of European institutions. Here she gained experience as a European public affairs trainee at the Province of Zeeland and as a trainee at the communications department of the European Parliament. As an Account Executive at Public Matters, she wants to further expand her knowledge of the world of public affairs and lobby consultancy. She will mainly focus on the circular economy, agrifood and industry.

About Niels

Niels has a bachelor’s degree in public administration: Policy, Management and Organization from the University of Leiden. He is now pursuing a master’s degree in public administration: International and European Governance at the same university. At Public Matters, Niels will mainly focus on supporting clients in the field of the circular economy.

About Jelmer

Jelmer is pursuing a bachelor’s degree in philosophy, Politics & Economics (PPE) at the VU, with a specialization in Politics & Philosophy. He also completed a minor in International Politics at the University of Exeter. At Public Matters, Jelmer will mainly focus on supporting clients in the field of transport.

About Sara

Sara has a bachelor’s degree in European Political Science, a master’s degree in Environment & Resource Management and is doing a final internship for her master’s degree in international political economy at the RUG. At Public Matters, Sara will mainly focus on supporting clients in the field of Tech.

In addition to the arrival of these new colleagues, there is more great news: a number of colleagues have been promoted as of October 1: Machteld van Weede, Jacob Cloo and Marnix Kleinjan are now Senior Consultant.

And we continue to grow: there is currently a vacancy for the position of (Senior) Consultant Public Affairs.